Moscow, Turkey – In one day, the Azerbaijani army liberated 13 more villages from occupation, and images were released showing Armenia, which had lost hundreds of troops in Nagorno-Karabakh, was heading for defeat. News in the Russian media clearly revealed Turkey’s influence on former Soviet territory.

As the Nagorno-Karabakh war entered its twenty-third day, an image published by Telegram clearly revealed the state of the Armenian army. BBC Moscow correspondent Steve Rosenberg contributed reporting from Turkey in the Russian press.

Armenia, which opened fire again minutes after the start of the second ceasefire, carried out 231 violations targeting Azerbaijani cities within 24 hours.

The Armenian army fired three missiles at aghjabadi and fired artillery at civilian settlements such as Terter, Goranboy and Aghdam.

But despite all the aggression, the Azerbaijani army liberated 13 villages associated with Gabriel from the occupation of Armenia 27 years later.

Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev announced on his Twitter account that the villages of Soltanli, Emirvarli, Mashanli, Hasanli, Alikeyhanli, Kumlak, Hacili, Göyerçinveyselli, Niyazgullar, Kechel Mammadli, Shahvelli, Haji Ismayilli and Isakli had been liberated.

The Turkish Ministry of National Defense shared the message that “the number of settlements liberated from the occupation, along with 13 villages captured, has reached 78.”

The Armenian army targeted a cotton factory in the town of Karakoyunlu in Terter. Officials said seven artillery shells hit the factory.

According to the latest statement of the occupied Nagorno-Karabakh administration, 710 Armenian soldiers have died since the beginning of the war. On Sunday alone, 37 soldiers were killed by Azerbaijan.

A recording taken around a D-20 howitzer captured by the Azerbaijani army showed a large number of dead Armenian soldiers lying on the ground.

Local media report that artillery shells seized from the Armenian army on the front line indicate that the weapons came from PKK terrorists in northern Iraq.

In the beginning days of the Nagorno-Karabakh War, there were reports in local media that hundreds of PKK terrorists had moved to Armenia.

On the southern Iranian border, a drone was seen flying over the lion flat sky, the image was shared on social media.

The Iranians, on the other hand, are following the battle in Nagorno-Karabakh by going up the high hills along the border line, Iranian media has provided numerous photos.

Another stunning video taken at the border showed Iranians on the other side of the Aras River chanting slogans in support of Azerbaijani soldiers.

BBC Moscow correspondent Steve Rosenberg compiled news coverage of Russia’s relations with Turkey in the Russian press in light of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh. In the Russian press, Turkey’s attempts to challenge Russia’s influence on the territory of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics are noted.

Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper reports: “Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has declared that Turkey refuses to recognize Crimea as part of Russia. This is not a new thing. What is new is that Erdogan’s statements about Crimea come at a time when Turkey is making an unprecedented breakthrough into the political sphere that Turkey has always considered only its own space. This makes Turkey’s statements even more alarming.

Turkey does not see Crimea as Russian. But he also doesn’t see it as belonging to Ukraine. According to Erdogan, Russia unfairly took Crimea from the Ottoman Empire in 1783, and these lands should be given back to modern Turkey, the continuation of the Empire.

Turkey has gained a strong position in many of the former Soviet territories. The autumn of 2020 showed how much influence Turkey has gained. From the outside, Azerbaijan’s attempts to recapture Nagorno-Karabakh, with the support of Turkey, were a shock for Russia, which it still has not survived.

Today, in the South Caucasus, everyone is angry with Russia. That has been the case in Georgia since the 1990s, and for now, there is no end to it. Now Armenians believe that Russia has abandoned themselves to their fate and left them alone against two dangerous enemies. Azerbaijanis, on the other hand, think that Russia actually supports Armenia.

Turkey is in an advantageous position, no matter which way you look. It does not need good relations with Armenia. And no matter how the war ends, Azerbaijanis will see Turkey as a true friend and ‘brother’. Turkey’s political attack is also not limited to this region. Turkey is also very active in Central Asia… we should not panic from them and create an atmosphere of espionage phobia… But ‘ it would also be good to keep a close eye on Turkey, a friend of Russia… Advance warning is the best precaution.”

“According to the Press Office of the Ukrainian leader, the two countries signed agreements last Friday that allow Turkish companies to cooperate with the Ukrainian defense industry in the development and production of high-tech weapons and military vehicles,” the newspaper quoted a military expert as saying.”

Russia’s military newspaper Red Star reports that Russia has launched planned military exercises in the Caspian Sea. This is not far from the conflict zone in Nagorno-Karabakh. “The outcome of the Karabakh conflict will determine whether Turkey can consolidate its geopolitical influence and become Russia’s rival in the region,” Izvestia newspaper quoted a political expert from Turkey as saying.”

Two weeks before the US election, supporters of President Donald Trump held a show of support in California with Armenian flags in their hands.

Hundreds of people who asked Trump to stop the clashes were seen carrying Armenian flags as well as U.S. flags.

Among those supporting Armenia were officials from the German far-right and Neo-Nazi party AfD. The photo was posted on his Facebook account.

Armenia confirmed last week that the Azerbaijani army had established control over some areas in Nagorno-Karabakh. Thus, territorial losses by Armenia were confirmed for the first time.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, who personally announced the first ceasefire on October 10, announced that Russian military units could be deployed to observe the ceasefire in Nagorno-Karabakh within the week. But Azerbaijan has not yet given a positive response to this proposal.

Sunday (September 27th) clashes in Nagorno-Karabakh began in the morning with Armenia violating the ceasefire. Nagorno-Karabakh is recognized as part of Azerbaijan by the United Nations (UN) and the international community. However, some areas in and around Nagorno-Karabakh, which accounts for about 20 percent of Azerbaijan’s territory, have been under Armenian occupation since the early 1990s.

The region was declared a ‘Nagorno-Karabakh Republic’ in 1991. But no country, including Armenia, has recognized this place internationally.

Nagorno-Karabakh (Upper Karabakh), which covers an area of 4,400 square kilometers in the South Caucasus, has been waiting for a solution for many years as the biggest problem between Azerbaijan and Armenia.

So, what is the history of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia, both countries of the former Soviet Union? The word origin of the’ Nagorno-Karabakh ‘ region consists of a mixture of several different languages. Even a few languages found in its name show how the region has been exposed to the transition between different cultures throughout history.

Nagorny (or Nagorno) in English is Karabakh. The word’ Nagorny ‘means’ mountainous ‘ (нагорный), in Russian. In Azerbaijani, just like in Turkish, it is referred to by the words ‘dağliq’ or ‘yuxarı’, which means ‘mountainous’. Karabakh, on the other hand, is a common word in Turkish and Persian, meaning ‘black garden’.

When Azerbaijan and Armenia joined the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in 1922, Nagorno-Karabakh developed into a structure that seemed accepted, but was not adopted by Armenians. In Nagorno-Karabakh, which was granted autonomous region status under the Republic of Azerbaijan in 1923, the status quo was maintained until the end of the 1980s, when the Soviet system came to a standstill, although ethnic Armenians living in the region raised their discomfort with the Azerbaijani administration from time to time.

Along with the process of openness (glasnost) and reconstruction (perestroika), which Mikhail Gorbachev, the last leader of the Soviet Union, initiated in 1985 to pave the way for a blocked system, Nagorno-Karabakh, like all the problem areas of the Caucasus, came to light. Evaluating the ever-weakening authority of the Soviet administration, the Autonomous Administration of Nagorno-Karabakh demanded annexation to the Republic of Armenia in 1988. While this demand was not reciprocated, after Azerbaijan and Armenia declared their independence in 1991, the secession attempts of the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh also intensified.

During this period, the Azerbaijani population in Karabakh had fallen by up to 20 percent due to forced migrations. In a referendum held on December 10, 1991, which was boycotted by Azerbaijanis remaining in the region, Armenians voted to leave Azerbaijan. After the referendum, the independence of Nagorno-Karabakh was declared, but this initiative did not find a response in the international community. Tensions between the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh, supported by the Armenian army, and the Azerbaijanis living in the region increased with the declaration of independence. In 1992, the conflict turned into a hot war between the Armenian army and the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh and the Azerbaijani army.

At the end of the war, the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh took control of the entire region, as well as occupied seven neighboring regions (Rayons). Thus, the direct contact points of Nagorno-Karabakh and Azerbaijan were quite limited. The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has been described in academic circles as a ‘frozen conflict’ for years. Despite the ongoing settlement negotiations at intervals, violations of the mutual ceasefire are frequently repeated both on the Nagorno-Karabakh-Azerbaijan contact line and on the Azerbaijan-Armenia border. August 2014 saw the bloodiest clashes in 20 years. Two days of fighting on the Nagorno-Karabakh border left 13 Azerbaijani soldiers dead. The Armenian Defense Ministry also announced that 20 soldiers were killed.

Half a million refugees took refuge in Azerbaijan and Armenia, and about a million people were forced to relocate. Some towns and villages that existed before the beginning of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict were completely abandoned and destroyed. More than 14 percent of Azerbaijan’s territory is still under occupation. Azerbaijanis claim that the region has historically been under their control and therefore belongs to them, while Armenians claim that Armenians have always lived in the region and that Azerbaijani rule is illegitimate.

Other states were reluctant to intervene because it was seen as a domestic issue. Since 1992, the conflict has become interstate due to the fact that it took place between Azerbaijan and Armenia. Defense spending in Azerbaijan has increased by about 50 percent every year since 2003. In 2012, defense spending accounted for a fifth of Azerbaijan’s total public spending. Armenia also expanded its arsenal with the help of Russia.

Although the exact numbers are not known, it is believed that the population of Lachin and Kelbajar with small settlements totaled about 14 thousand people. According to the co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group, there has been no significant increase in the population since 2005. Ethnic Armenians settled in the region have limited access to infrastructure, economic activities and public services. Many of them are also missing identity documents.

The weakest part of the problem is the contact line, which is 175 kilometers long. This line, filled with minefields, resembles the trenches of the first World War. 30 thousand soldiers have been deployed to the contact line by the Armenian side and slightly more than this number by Azerbaijan. The negotiations, conducted through the OSCE Minsk Group, have been difficult, as leaders are approaching a compromise, but are backing down out of concern that their country may not meet the demands of the public.

Azerbaijanis and Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh cannot influence the process. Armenian and Azerbaijani public opinion has more influence on the process than the locals of the region.

The Minsk Group Co-Chairs have no spokespersons or media secretaries. For this reason, the talks have little media coverage. Russia, having previously taken a position close to Armenia, now prefers to stand at an equal distance from Azerbaijan and Armenia. This strategy strengthened after the war with Georgia in August 2008. The strategic priority has become the isolation of Georgia. The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is less important to the United States than the conflicts in the Middle East. The Armenian Lobby in Congress, the energy security of the Caspian Sea Basin, the ‘fight against terrorism’ and the ability to use Azerbaijani airspace on flights to Afghanistan are priority issues for the United States.